Walter Durant, Son of His Indian Father

The story of the Durant and Butler household is one of many cases where a claimant chose to be moved from the Freedman Roll to the "blood" roll of the Choctaw nation. In the case of William Durant he was the child of Thomas Durant a Choctaw citizen and Henny Butler a Freedman of the Choctaw Nation. He claimed the blood of his father, but was placed on the Freedman roll, nevertheless.

He was enrolled on a Freedman card with two cousins and his grandmother Easter Butler. But before the rolls closed he submitted a petition to have his status adjusted.

National Archives, Ft. Worth TX
Perry Files

Despite his own claims, his case was denied based on the fact that his enrollment as a Freedman had already been addressed, and it would remain as such. The difference of course between the status as Freedman, and that of a citizen "by blood" was the number of acres that would eventually be given to the enrollee. Freedmen would receive 40 acres each meanwhile placement on the blood roll would mean the allotment of 320 acres. Thus many realized the immediate second class status that "Freedman" enrollment would bring, and thus, based on the status of their fathers they sought a change.

His grandmother Easter was the head of house on the enrollment card, but both of Walter's parents were deceased at that time. The questions asked did not pertain to the status of the parents, so it is not clear whether Easter knew precisely of the status of each parent of the grandchildren were. In Walter's case it was stated that the status of Thomas Durant, (his father) was that of a non-citizen. However, the question is not part of the interview in any way.

National Archives Publication M1186
Choctaw Freedman Care #269

Reverse Side of Card

The actual Dawes interview can be described as simply short without question to the children who may have been children of a father considered Choctaw by blood. However, the statement found in the Perry file pertaining to Walter (see 1st image above) points out without question of the status of Thomas Durant the father of Walter Durant. The statement strongly states that the father was Choctaw, but yet, in the case it was doubted and thus Walter remained on the Freedman Roll.

National Archives Publication M1301

The only other document that appears in the file is a small memorandum with the names of Easter Butler and her grandchildren.

One is compelled to wonder if the investigation into the case of Walter was strong, or simply a policy of placing all with African parentage into the category as Freedmen, thus limiting their beginning their new life with fewer assets in the allotment process simply for being who they were. Whatever the prevailing policy was the story is always worth examining,

Families such as this often reflect a blood tie that many Freedmen had to leading citizens within the tribe. As slave holders many of the leaders themselves had relations with enslaved women, but several decades later, the tie to the status of the father was overlooked. Often the stated policy was one of children following the mother--suggesting a matrilineal policy that was said to prevail. However, depending on the social and economic status of applicants, many of the "traditional" matriarchal policies were overlooked.

With the descendants of Walter Durant this line extends deeply into the Choctaw Nation, clearly beyond removal. In spite of decisions of the Commission, the story of this Choctaw rooted family is well documented, and deserves to be told.

From Skullyville: The Lone Slave of Fort Coffee Academy

When studying the slave schedule of 1860 from the Choctaw Nation one small entry was out of the ordinary. Instead of listing the name of a slave holder, and the number of people enslaved there was one unusual entry---the slaveholder of record was "Fort Coffee Academy".

This kind of entry is most unusual, and there is nothing written about the 50 year old woman who toiled at the Academy in the school at Fort Coffee. The school was established in the 1840s for Choctaw males, and much can be found about both Fort Coffee Academy as well as New Hope, a school for females. However, the lone enslaved woman who worked at the Academy, is not mentioned. Beyond the mention of a few instructors or school staff, it is no surprise that an enslaved woman would not garner a mention by name.

The school did not last very long, and by the end of the Civil War, it was gone. Only a few images of the school exist. One photograph of the school exists and that photo reflects the remains of the school when it was in a state of deterioration and disrepair. The school was built on the site of the remains of the old military fort, but it was burned during the Civil War, and the Choctaw Nation no longer focused on the site for a school.

After the war, when slavery ended, with the Treaty of 1866 the few enslaved people who lived in the area, worked as servants for many Choctaw households in the area. No knowledge exists at all of this woman, past her prime, but working at the school.

It can only assumed that she was cook, cleaner, and tended to numerous tasks that required physical labor at the school. Was she treated kindly? Did she endure sexual harassment in the all male environment of the school? Was she required to also live on the premises? Did she have a room or her own? Would the privacy of a lone female slave even have been considered? Did she sleep on the floor, near the fireplace? Did she have children and family of her own for whom she pined? If she had children, could she visit them? Or would she have had to wait until freedom came to connect with her own family? And importantly, did she live to see freedom and to breathe free air?

Though there are no answers, and the likelihood of a slave having freedom of movement is slim. With the daily demands of a school, there was always food to prepare, clothing and bedding to wash, and fires that needed tending. The work of this lone slave had to be difficult, lonely and sad.
There was nothing on the slave schedule indicating that a separate cabin for this enslaved woman existed, as there is no tic mark reflecting a "slave dwelling" counted. So chances are that her life consisted of every task focused on the school and her place of rest was most likely the same place as her work. On a mat perhaps, near a hearth or fireplace in the winter and near a doorway in the warmer months.

This 50 year old woman forever unnamed, would have been in her 90s if she lived until the Dawes era. Identifying her is an impossible task, but acknowledging her presence in the northernmost part of the Choctaw Nation, is as important as calling her name. She is not to be forgotten.

Who Were The Men Along the Wall?

(Courtesy, Oklahoma Historical Society)

Many of us have seen the image above, reflecting a group of Chickasaw Freedmen appearing at a hearing in front of officials of the Dawes Commission. The group of people being interviewed are one side of the large desks and commission officials are recording data from the other side of the desks. The applicants are seated in front of the desk and in the background another group of applicants are seated in front of a second desk in front of them. But on the far right, three men, all of African descent are seated. These men are attired in suits, setting them apart from the applicants.

Who were those men? And what was their role at the hearing?

I recently realized that the men were part of a group of Chickasaw Freedmen leaders, and they had been selected at the convention in 1898 to be present when Chickasaw Freedmen appeared in front of the Dawes Commission. And the answer as to why they were there is found among the conference proceedings of the Choctaw-Chickasaw Freedmen convention held in Pickens county.

The convention was lead by a group of Freedmen leaders, whose name should be remembered for the roles they played in the communities of Chickasaw and Choctaw Freedmen. (Many of these communities are now part of the southern part of Oklahoma, today.) The meeting that unfolded in August 1898, was an impressive one, and the status of Freedmen, both Choctaw and Chickasaw were addressed, though most of the issues evolved around the status of Chickasaw Freedmen, the last of the Five Tribes once-enslaved people who remained in the Territory, without citizenship, rights, and education.

But, it would not be until I examined the proceedings of the 1898 meeting that a possible answer to the question about the men along the wall.

National Archives II Record Group 48
(Stack 150, Row 9, Compartment 15, Shelf 1

From: PROCEEDINGS OF THE CONVENTION OF CHICKASAW FREEDMEN, 

HELD AT DAWES ACADEMY, Pickens County

Chickasaw Nation , Indian Territory, August 4th and 5th, 1898

It was clear what their roles were at the Dawes hearing. At the 1898 convention it was resolved at that there would be a panel of elected men, "to attend the sittings of the commission to the Five Civilized Tribes while said commission shall be engaged in the enrollment of the Chickasaw Freedmen, and render all Chickasaw Freedmen applying for enrollment, and the attorneys representing them under contracts of the Chickasaw Freedmen's Association, all the assistance in their power to them and that .........(illegible).........said Commission up the roll of the Chickasaw Freedmen to be made by said commission. 

1. Charles Cohee              2. Henry Gaines
3. Mack Stevenson           4. Solomon McGilbry
            5. Nelson Eastman
                Samuel Jones    

Their names appeared clearly and legibly. They were leaders who were elected by their neighbors and constituents to be representatives for them, at the 1898 convention and to appear at the Dawes Commission hearings.

Among those who signed on one of the more significant resolutions were, Charles Cohee, Henry Gaines, Mack Stevenson, Solomon McGilbry, Samuel Jones and Nelson Eastman (name later struck from document).

However, it was also noted that a separate committee of three were also selected to have an active role at the Dawes hearings.

National Archives II Record Group 48
(Stack 150, Row 9, Compartment 15, Shelf 

Transcription:

                                         R E S O L U T I O N

RESOLVED that the chairman of the committee appoint a committee of three persons, whose duty it shall be to arrange terms, and to sercure tents an other necessary camping outfits to be used by the committee of enrollment while attending the sittings of the commission to the Five Civilized Tribes.

             THE FOLLOWING PERSONS WERE APPOINTED

        1. Charles Cohee              2. Lee Newsberry

                                        3. Nelson Eastman

         APPOINTED THIS THE  5TH,  DAY OF AUGUST 1898

H. A. Stephenson (signed)                    Charles Cohee (signed)

Secretary of the Convention                   Chairman of the Convention

It is not clear whether any of the men whose names appear above were part of the team of the three men along the wall or not. And because there are a good number of images of Charles Cohee that have survived time, it is doubtful that he is one of the three men above. Could the three be among the other names appointed by the chairman?

Quite possibly, and it is also documented that occasionally the men did testify on behalf of the Freedmen as well, when extensive interviews were taken.

Among the more involved interviews were those in which there was a question of a blood tie to the tribe that Freedman may have had. Some were truly bi-racial having one Indian parents and one black parent. The mixed status was often treated differently with Freedmen and most, even with an Indian parent, would be placed on the "Freedman" roll, citing a convenient practice of giving status to the applicant- the same status of the mother. And since most mother's of bi-racial Freedmen were of African Ancestry, they were given "non-Indian" (aka black) status regardless.

Being put on rolls "by blood" thus guaranteeing that they would receive larger allotments of land because of a blood tie to Indians. And the irony of allotting less land to Freedmen was somehow deemed acceptable as if the African blood of their former slaves somehow merited their being treated differently, and put them and their descendants into a "lesser" status forever with the tribe.

Beyond a basic sentiment of southern anti-black racism towards the their former slaves, came the demographics. Chickasaw Freedmen, along with those Choctaw Freedmen living in their vicinity, constituted a larger number, and there was a fear of a black "domination" should Freedmen be given rights such as voting rights.

The men along the wall, however, are liklely to have been 3 of several "good men" who were elected at the convention and by the people, to speak for them, when required. Among the representatiaves and active participants in the Freedman Convention of 1898, came numerous "good men". And thankfully, we have several of their names. 

They were Charles Cohee, Lee Newsberry, Nelson Eastman, Joseph Murray, Richmond Prince, William Pickens, Robert Anderson, William Alexander, Newton Burney, Henry Clay, George Stevenson, Ben Williams, William McKinney,  Mack Stevenson, Henry Gaines, Solomon McGilbry, and H. S. Stevenson.

The men against the wall were most likely from among these "good men." The task make me in the future for descendants to come forth with evidence such as family images to identify the three good men along the wall.

Chickasaw Freedmen Would Not Get to Vote

As fascinating story appeared in an 1898 edition of the Evening Star, a Washington DC newspaper. The story described the situation in Indian Territory in relation to the former slaves of Choctaw and Chickasaw Nations. The headline reflected the denial of voting rights for Chickasaw Freedmen.

As the turn of the 20th century approached, the Dawes Commission had begun its work to determine eligibility for land allotments and working toward eventual statehood, and during those years, the status of Freedmen in the nations was continually discussed.

Suffrage, or the right to vote in tribal elections arose in the Territory, and there was much discussion reflected in the press regarding the rights and privileges of the former slaves in the Chickasaw Nation. Voting rights caught the attention of many. In August of 1898 a fascinating article appeared about voting rights of Chickasaw Freedmen, in the Evening Star from Washington DC.

Source: See note below next image.

As was common, both Choctaw and Chickasaw Nations are referenced together. In 1885, the Choctaw Nation adopted their former slaves. However, despite signing the Treaty of 1866, the Chickasaw Nation never did formally adopt their once enslaved population, so they were limited in extending any rights and benefits to their former slaves, many of whom lived in dire poverty without education, or access to rights of any kind. They were continually seen as "outsiders" though never viewed as such during the slavery era, for as unpaid slaves, they were valuable assets.

In nearby Choctaw Freedmen, after official adoption into the tribe in 1885, they were given voting rights as was it was given in the other former slave-holing tribes. Apparently however, during that particular year, the rights of Choctaw Freedmen who wished to vote on an pending issue being presented to the tribe, was questioned. Green McCurtain, Chief of the Choctaw Nation at that time was concerned over the Freedmen voting, so he turnedto Washington to inquire about whether or not voting privileges should be extended to the Choctaw Freedmen.

A telegram was then sent to Green McCurtain directing the Choctaw Nation, to allow the Freedmen to participate in the vote.

It was pointed out in the same article that Chickasaws had never adopted the Freedmen into the tribe, and had therefore no voting rights in their tribe.

• Evening star. (Washington, D.C.), 17 Aug. 1898. Chronicling America: Historic American Newspapers. Lib. of Congress. <http://chroniclingamerica.loc.gov/lccn/sn83045462/1898-08-17/ed-1/seq-9/>

Things were a bit better for Choctaw Freedmen. Colored neighborhood schools were established for the Freedmen, and most did enjoy voting rights in their nation. But it is also known that several years later, when Henry Cutchlow ran for office on the tribal council and won a seat, but he was never allowed to take his seat and serve. But within the Choctaw Nation, voting rights did exist, and the nation did create several of the neighborhood schools for Freedmen, and much energy was put into Tushka Lusa Academy, though it only existed for a few years.

As the new century emerged, the rights of Choctaw Freedmen began to dwindle, although the Freedmen did get their land allotments when the Dawes Commission had completed its work. But relations eventually faded over the years, and in the mid 20th century Freedmen were expelled from tribal membership as was done in the other tribes during the 1970s and early 80s.

The history of the continuous support from Washington, of the Chickasaw Nation, despite their treatment of their former slaves is one of the understudied stories from Indian Territory. Thanks to scholar Daniel Littleifield, the data that is known was highlighted in his work from the 1970s. The Chickasaw Freedmen, a People Without a  Country.

And despite Chickasaws having signed the same Treaty of 1866 Freedmen  and the blatant violation of that treaty, it is hoped that more Chickasaw Freedmen descendants will eventually start to tell the stories of their ancestors, for it is a story that is still worth telling, in spite of disenfranchisement from the only land that they once knew as home.

Finding Onchetubbe, A Choctaw Man

I had never heard the name Onchatubbee, or Anchatubbee until 1991, when I found my great grandmother's Dawes application file. My Great grandmother was Sallie Walton. She was a Dawes enrollee, and her mother was Amanda Perry Hunt. I have had much of this information well documented since 1991.

National Archives publication M1186,

Source: Ancestry.com. Oklahoma and Indian Territory, Dawes Census Cards for Five Civilized Tribes, 1898-1914 [database on-line]. 

Provo, UT, USA: Ancestry.com Operations Inc, 2014. Original data: Enrollment Cards for the Five Civilized Tribes, 1898-1914; (National Archives Microfilm Publication M1186, 

On the reverse side of Sallie's Dawes Card her mother was identified as Amanda "Hunt". Her father was identified as Eastman Williams.

(Source: Same as above)

But, in the Dawes interview, Sallie gave a brief statement about her mother and when asked her mother's full name, she stated that her mother was "Amanda Anchatubbee."

"Anchatubbee?" Well that name was completely unfamiliar to me, and there were no living elders to ask about the name.  Well, I knew that Anchatubbee is clearly a Choctaw name---but where did it come from? I knew that Sallie's mother Amanda had married a man called John Hunt in the latter part of the 1880s but no additional records have surfaced with that name, nor with anything that resembled Anchatubbee.

So where did that name come from?

Was Amanda's father named Anchatubbee?

Did Amanda marry a man by that name? And if so, would that have been Sallie's father?

In 1999, a cousin shared with me a letter that had been written to my gr. grandmother in 1923. The letter was written by W. B. Billy a well known Choctaw living in the town of Howe, Oklahoma. The letter was written to Sallie in 1923, and it is telling her about her own family. It mentioned her mother Amanda, her grandparents Kitty and James, and possibly Sallie's father. In that letter was a sentence pointing out that Amanda, her mother, had at one time married a man called "Onchetubbee."
So there he was. I recognized that Onchitubbee was the name that Sallie has used for her mother Amanda Anchatubbee. The letter pointed out that Onchetubbee was my gr. gr. grandmother Amanda's husband.

Many questions came to my mind, the first being why Sallie did not know this about her family. Was she not raised around them?

The letter also pointed out to Sallie that it was not certain whether Onchetubbee was her father or not, but it was noted in the letter that her grandfather James Crow was full Choctaw.

With all of the questions in my head, I at least learned from that letter that "Onchitubbee", or "Anchatubbee" was clearly a name related to the family. So anytime I saw a list of Choctaws from the Skullyville, or Sugar Loaf areas of the Choctaw Nation, I would seek his name, just to see if he was enumerated. But the name of this man never appeared.

For the next twenty five years, Anchatubbee would simply be the name of a man who married my gr. gr. grandmother. Did he live nearby? Far away? Was he associated with the Perrys? The Perry family was Choctaw family to whom my family was associated, during and after slavery.

But now, thanks to the partnership between the Oklahoma Historical Society, and Ancestry, there is a new opportunity to examine records more easily. The decision to digitized many of the Oklahoma Historical society records has brought a new opportunity for those researching the history of the Oklahoma based Indian Tribes. I zoomed in on a unique collection of these records. It is called, the Oklahoma and Indian Territory, Marriage, Citizenship and Census Records 1840-1927. I wrote about this collection in a previous article.

So, while on Ancestry going through more of the records in this amazing collection, I was first drawn to an image that summarized the numbers of citizens, including Freedmen, in the Choctaw Nation in 1867 and 1868. Although this image was only a summary, with a numerical count it still provided useful data on the numbers of people of color in the Choctaw Nation.

Source: Ancestry.com. Oklahoma and Indian Territory, Marriage, Citizenship and Census Records, 1841-1927 [database on-line]. Provo, UT, USA: Ancestry.com Operations, Inc., 2014. Original data: Indian Marriage and Other Records, 1850–1920. Oklahoma Historical Society, Oklahoma City, Oklahoma.  Image: CTN 04 Choctaw Citizens and Freedmen Image 25/455

One reel of microfilm interested me, because it reflected the Sugar Loaf community where my Perry clan had resided.

The heading on the 1868 Choctaw census reflected the numbers of people in various categories. Indian males, Indian females, Free persons of color, freedmen from other states or tribes, and numbers of pieces of property such as livestock owned. 

The only names represented on the document were the names of male heads of house. In this case I recognized the name of Nail Perry, who was part of the Perry clan in that area, and who also testified for my great grandparents in their application on the Dawes roll. And what a surprise to note the name that appeared directly underneath that of Nail Perry. There, on a list of names from 1868 was a man called Onchetubbee!

Onchetubbe!! This was the very first time that I had ever noticed the name of Onchetubbe on a document, after over 25 years of researching this family. Though it began with an "O" and not an "A" I realized that this was the same name. And I had possibly found my the source of the mystery name from the Dawes interview. And here in 1868 the name appears. (Thank you Ancestry!)

As it turns out, in 1874 another census was taken in the Choctaw Nation. And there, in Sugar Loaf, once again the name appeared.

The  same roll of microfilm contained the 1896 Choctaw Census. I did find the Perry Clan listed in Sugar Loaf County but beyond that, nothing more reflected Onchetubbe. His name no longer appeared, and he may have, by that time, passed away. But finding him in those two odd census years 1868 and 1874, in the Choctaw Nation still pleased me.

After 25 years of looking for and asking about Anchatubbe, or Onchatubbe, finally, after taking time to comb through this fairly new collection on Ancestry, I finally saw this man's name.

Although I don't have a lot of data to share about Onchatubbee, but at least now I have evidence on paper that reflects this man. He is said to have married Amanda Perry, my gr. gr. grandmother. 

Is he an ancestor? He may have been only a step father to my Sallie, thus not a direct ancestor at all. However, finding his name still provides satisfaction: 

-Onchetubbe was part of the small community in what is now rural LeFlore county, once known as Sugar Loaf. 

-Onchetubbe was part of the small circle of people in the Perry clan, around whom some of my ancestors live. 

-And Onchetubbe was part of the circle of people whose names I call as my ancestors 

And now as he continues his walk with the ancestors, I can also call his name.

Pre-Citizenship Records of Choctaw Freedmen

The Choctaw Nation made an official move to adopt their formal slaves as citizens in 1885. An official census was conducted and later produced the first official document reflecting the population of Choctaw Freedmen. In order to determine who was going to be considered eligible for citizenship, preliminary data was collected. And now these records are available on Ancestry and can be used to tell more of the story of Choctaw Freedmen.

Source: CTN 07 Choctaw Citizens and Freedmen Ancestry.com. Oklahoma and Indian Territory, Marriage, Citizenship and Census Records, 1841-1927 [database on-line]. Provo, UT, USA: Ancestry.com Operations, Inc., 2014.  Original data: Indian Marriage and Other Records, 1850–1920. Oklahoma Historical Society, Oklahoma City, Oklahoma.

These records are extremely useful for African American genealogists, with Choctaw Freedmen ancestors, because they lay out the family structure as it was in 1885. Keep in mind that this was more than a decade before the Dawes Commission started, and therefore these records provide a unique opportunity for Freedmen researchers to look at the family much earlier in time.

To Find These Records:

The 1885 Choctaw Freedmen census records themselves in their entirety can be accessed on Ancestry. One can tell by looking at the microfilmed images, that entire ledgers were copied. I am zooming in on some of the pages found Ancestry, to show the kinds of data collected by the Choctaw Nation in the 1880s.

On Ancestry, the collection is called: Oklahoma and Indian Territory Marriages, Citizenship and Census Records, 1841-1927. There are more than 800 pages in this database.The most useful pages in this collection are the first 285 pages of this 816-page collection.

The beginning of the collection starts with an area simply called "1st District". This census is significant because it reflects the composition of the family as it was in 1885. On the left side of the page, the categories reflected the names of the persons enumerated, including the head of the household, the names of the children and their age range.

Source: Same as above

The second side of the ledger reflect additional data, including the nationality of the citizen being enumerated, the former slave holders for those who had been enslaved, and also additional information about real property and livestock owned.

Sourc: Same as above

The value of looking at this record is that it reflects the family more than a decade before the Dawes Rolls. In some cases people died between 1885 and 1898, so there are some names shown of people who never made it to the Dawes Rolls. Many of whom were in their 60s and older, died before the Dawes enrollment process began, so this is the opportunity to see the family grouping even earlier. Unlike those whose families lived in the United States after freedom, families in Indian Territory do not have the benefit of having been enumerated on the 1870 and 1880 census schedules. So this record from 1885 is useful.

A Case Study - Searching for My Perry Ancestors

I was able to locate my own ancestors on the document, but interestingly, the document created more questions than it answered.

My great grandmother Sallie Walton was named after her grandmother Sallie who was frequently also called "Kitty". I see an older Sallie who is possibly my "Kitty", on the record, as my Sallie's mother Amanda Perry. I recognize the name of others such as Jackson Perry Sallie's uncle, (who would later be known as Jackson Crow), and the name of Davis Frazier, an orphaned cousin appears with the family. But my own Sallie was not there, on the document.

Surprisingly another name that has often been noted on early documents appeared--that of the Flacks. And the Sallie that I saw was not Sallie or Kitty Perry, but a Sallie "Flack". On the ledger it said that Eliza Flack was said to be the slave holder before emancipation. If this is my older Sallie (or Kitty) this is new information, because the Perry's were said to be the exclusive Choctaw slave holders of the family. Yet, this record from a decade earlier than the creation of the Dawes roll, suggests something else. However, there is no evidence, so the Sallie Flack could also be a simple accident of geography--and perhaps she was a mere neighbor, and not connected.

A decade later when the Dawes roll data was collected, an interview with Nail Perry, a well known Choctaw Indian in the Sugar Loaf area of the nation, stated that Sallie's mother Amanda was freed under his sister Emeline Perry.

Yet, here is Eliza Flack who is listed on this 1885 document at the slave holder before emancipation. So the greater question arises--who are the Flacks? Are they connected to my family? Seeing Eliza Flack as a previous slave holder proves a new avenue of research to pursue.

Source: Same as above

Some Elected To Leave the Nation

In that collection are several volumes or ledgers of records, and volume 3 contained the names of people who opted to leave the Nation and not be adopted into the tribe. The expectation was that they were going to get a $100 payment in addition to relinquishing their citizenship. And surprisingly, the name of Kitty Perry, my gr. gr. gr. grandmother appeared on that list.

There was an" X" by her name and a notation (see arrow on bottom right) in the lower right corner. Kitty had submitted papers to identify who she was for her to be deemed eligible for the $100 per capita payment. This notation is not made with other most other names on this ledger. So now, the question arises---who was Lizzie Perry? Was this a relative of Nail Perry, or Emeline or others in the Perry clan?

Kitty's name later appeared a few pages later on a small list of less than 10 people who had submitted identification papers.

As one moves through the ledger there are other categories, of Choctaw Freedmen, some of whose citizenship was deemed "doubtful", and more pages with Freedmen from additional districts such as Red River, Red Oak and more.

Notes About the Collection
These documents reside at the Federal Records Center in Ft. Worth Texas. They were microfilmed in the 1970s and can be found on CTN 07 at the Oklahoma Historical Society. And they are all now digitized on Ancestry. When locating the Ancestry digitized collection, look specifically for CTN07 which was the Oklahoma Historical Society number

In order to find them on Ancestry easily, one must locate the collection called, "Oklahoma and Indian Territory Marriage, Citizenship and Census Records, 1841-1927". (I have occasionally found it easier to access from outside of Ancestry via Google. By typing in the name of the collection on Google, it is easier for me to locate the database, which will take me directly to the database that I want to see.) There are additional rolls of Indian Territory Freedmen, that I shall list on another blog.

The value of exploring earlier records is immeasurable. Some researchers might be tempted to focus exclusively on only the Dawes records, and feel that looking at earlier records is not valuable. Nothing could be father from the truth. As genealogists, and researchers, we should see ourselves as storytellers, and as we seek to tell the stories of the ancestors, each and every document bearing their name should be studied and analyzed to see if additional facts from the past can be unlocked and brought to light.

Forgotten Records From The Freedmen School of the Brazil Community, Choctaw Nation

Many years ago, at one of the Family History Centers, I decided to see what records from the local community in Eastern Oklahoma I could find. I did find a reel of microfilm that reflected some of the "Colored Neighborhood Schools" in the Choctaw Nation. I saw a community close to my hometown of Ft. Smith Arkansas, and was delighted to find a school record from Ft. Coffee Neighborhood Freedmen School and was thrilled to find my grandfather's name on the school roster.

Well, a few years ago, while on a trip to Salt Lake City I decided to explore the records again, but more in depth. I found the same records and, in fact wrote an article about the schools. In that article I shared the names of children from Skullyville county in Cedar Groves, Clarksville, Dog Creek, Ft. Coffee and Oppussum Creek.

Since that time, I have gone back to Salt Lake City and was able to capture even more information about the Freedmen schools. It became clear that the Freedmen were quite anxious to have their children educated, and so many settlements and hamlets had schools, and the children were quickly enrolled when the opportunity was presented to them.

This piece reflects the documents and records of enrollment of Freedmen children from the Brazil community, which eventually became part of LeFlore County in eastern Oklahoma. These are also among the earliest records reflecting education for children in pre-statehood Oklahoma. These documents reflect sporadic years between 1888-1898.

Among the records were three receipts reflecting payments made by Jimmie Eubanks and Lizzie Scott for "services rendered" on behalf of the Freedman School.

This roster reflects the children enrolled in February of that year.

May  Roster

In later years, in the 1890s Nettie Quick was the teacher who submitted monthly reports.

By October 1895 the school reports contained more detail such as daily attendance of the children indicated by the small marks reflecting the daily schedule.

By 1898 some of the students were still enrolled and new families had settled. The teacher was now R. P. Berry. Enrollment was down slightly, but it is noted that some months enrollment was higher in the same community.

The community of Brazil is now long gone and nothing remains of the old school house, either. A map from 1905 reflects this part of the old Choctaw Nation, and most of the old settlements of Freedmen allotted lands have changed hands.

 Nothing on the current landscape points out the tiny settlement of families that once resided there, and who struggled so hard so that their children could get an education. Thankfully a few school records did survive to provide evidence of this tiny community as they made their way on the western frontier, in Indian Territory and within a few year, the state of Oklahoma.

Some of the descendants of the Brazil community moved into Ft. Coffee, Spiro, Poteau, Pocola, and nearby Ft. Smith, Arkansas.

Choctaw Freedman Genealogy: The Case of David Gardner

National Archives Publication #M1186
Choctaw Freedman #843, David Gardner, Bokchito, Choctaw I.T. 

 Rich family data can be found in the Gardner family of Bokchito, Indian Territory. The large clan of Gardners lived there among other Choctaw Freedmen in the town of Bokchito, in Indian Territory. The patriarch of this large clan was 56 years old at the time he appeared at the Dawes Commission to enroll himself and his family including his wife, seven children and four grandchildren.

David Gardner's mother Silva had been enslaved by Choctaw Sally Gardner, and his father who was Jim Harris was enslaved by Green Harris. It is not known why he did not carry the surname of his father, and used that of his mother's most of his life. It appears that Wm. Gardner, listed as the slave holders was possibly not a Choctaw citizens, but his wife Sally was the Choctaw citizen. And the same Sally Gardner was noted as the slave holder of record for David's mother Silva.

National Archives Publication #M1186   Choctaw Freedman # 843

The reverse side of the Enrollment Card for David Gardner, reflects the name of the parents of each applicant, whose names appears  on the front side of the Dawes Enrollment  card, including the young children.

Because there are so many notations on the card, the information pertaining to the grandchildren appear on the front side, including their dates of birth. But they are on opposite ends of the card so that critical information is not immediately visible to the eye. The overlay and the arrow illustrate this data pertaining to the grandchildren.

Enrollment Card highlighting data on grandchildren

Following up on the Application jacket (NARA Publication #M1301) the corresponding file for David Gardner contains no interview. The memos generally pertain to the enrollment of the grandchildren and how they were considered eligible for enrollment. The focus seemed to be placed on the children of Abner and his wife Clara and whether or not their children were eligible for enrollment or not.

Additional notations on the card suggest that there are additional records to explore. One such statement refers to a card where the children of Abner were being considered for enrollment. 

This notation from the front of David Gardner's card, makes a reference to Choctaw Freedman Card #D82.

The enrollment card initially put on D82 (meaning Doubtful Card #82) also had data on the same family. The information on this card can lead the researcher directly to the mother Clara's enrollment card with her family. The card was created before her marriage to Abner Gardner.

National Archives Publication #M1186 Choctaw Freedmen D82

Reverse side of same card above.

That particular file (Choctaw Freedmen D82) does contain additional information about the family. Included in that file was some very interesting history pertaining to Clara, Abner's wife and her own family's status as having been enslaved by Choctaw Indians.

National Archives Publication M1301 Application Jackets, Choctaw Freedmen D82

Page 2 of interview from same file.

Page 3 from same file.

There is much more to the family history and it is known that in many cases one file leads to another, and one document can always point to more. Within one family the wife's family is also a part of that history, and often by following the clues left in the primary file, one can open the doors to much data.

This is the case in the family of David Gardner of Bokchito, a family of Choctaw Freedmen.