When studying the slave schedule of 1860 from the Choctaw Nation one small entry was out of the ordinary. Instead of listing the name of a slave holder, and the number of people enslaved there was one unusual entry---the slaveholder of record was "Fort Coffee Academy".
This kind of entry is most unusual, and there is nothing written about the 50 year old woman who toiled at the Academy in the school at Fort Coffee. The school was established in the 1840s for Choctaw males, and much can be found about both Fort Coffee Academy as well as New Hope, a school for females. However, the lone enslaved woman who worked at the Academy, is not mentioned. Beyond the mention of a few instructors or school staff, it is no surprise that an enslaved woman would not garner a mention by name.
The school did not last very long, and by the end of the Civil War, it was gone. Only a few images of the school exist. One photograph of the school exists and that photo reflects the remains of the school when it was in a state of deterioration and disrepair. The school was built on the site of the remains of the old military fort, but it was burned during the Civil War, and the Choctaw Nation no longer focused on the site for a school.
After the war, when slavery ended, with the Treaty of 1866 the few enslaved people who lived in the area, worked as servants for many Choctaw households in the area. No knowledge exists at all of this woman, past her prime, but working at the school.
It can only assumed that she was cook, cleaner, and tended to numerous tasks that required physical labor at the school. Was she treated kindly? Did she endure sexual harassment in the all male environment of the school? Was she required to also live on the premises? Did she have a room or her own? Would the privacy of a lone female slave even have been considered? Did she sleep on the floor, near the fireplace? Did she have children and family of her own for whom she pined? If she had children, could she visit them? Or would she have had to wait until freedom came to connect with her own family? And importantly, did she live to see freedom and to breathe free air?
Though there are no answers, and the likelihood of a slave having freedom of movement is slim. With the daily demands of a school, there was always food to prepare, clothing and bedding to wash, and fires that needed tending. The work of this lone slave had to be difficult, lonely and sad.
There was nothing on the slave schedule indicating that a separate cabin for this enslaved woman existed, as there is no tic mark reflecting a "slave dwelling" counted. So chances are that her life consisted of every task focused on the school and her place of rest was most likely the same place as her work. On a mat perhaps, near a hearth or fireplace in the winter and near a doorway in the warmer months.
This 50 year old woman forever unnamed, would have been in her 90s if she lived until the Dawes era. Identifying her is an impossible task, but acknowledging her presence in the northernmost part of the Choctaw Nation, is as important as calling her name. She is not to be forgotten.
Tuesday, February 5, 2019
Monday, February 4, 2019
Slaveholders of Skullyville & Sugar Loaf, Choctaw Nation
The 1860 slave schedule of the Skullyville area in the Choctaw Nation is a small one, reflecting about 201 enslaved people. There were 48 slave holders named on the record although in some cases there were additional people who had an "investment" in a group of enslaved people. In those cases, a note was made that others had an interest in that small group of slaves.
In the case of Jos. R. Hall, he was listed as the slave holder of record, but a note on the record indicates that there were 7 others who had an interest in the same slaves.
In the case of Jos. R. Hall, he was listed as the slave holder of record, but a note on the record indicates that there were 7 others who had an interest in the same slaves.
Slave holders of Skullyville
E. P. Massey
James Boyd
Samuel Allen
Dennis Folsom
F. M. Monks
Armstrong Frohling(?)
Walker Folsom
William Merriman
George Gunter (of Cher. Natio
James Choate
Samuel Bridges
N. B. Breedlove
Mrs. Breedlove
Clem Vann's wife
F. E. Williams
L. B. Dow
I. I. Phillips(?)
Tandy Walker
William Frazier(Frayon?)
Nathaniel Folsom
Bowlin Perry
Edmund Folsom
Peter Folsom
Edmond Riddle
Emeatubbee
Campbell Le Flore
John G. Ainsworth
A. W. Gary
Margaret Gary
Eli Mitchell
Plarcide Krebbs
Simon Hancock
Sina Pickens
Willis Burns
James Frayon(?)
Claudine Kincaid
William Cooper
Jerry Riddle
Eliza Hampton
Mary Jack
Edward Moore
Fort Coffee Academy
Widow C. M. McCurtain
Jos. R. Hall (and 7 others)
Mrs. Thompson McKinney (and 3 others)
Mrs. James M. Coleman
James M. Colman
Henry Keyser
In Sugar Loaf, the number of enslaved people was even smaller, with only 51 people held enslaved. They were held enslaved by 17 slaveholders. (In the case of the McClain heirs one guardian was appointed as the "owner" of record, and is therefore counted as one.)
Slaveholders of Sugar Loaf County
Steven Holson
Kennedy McCurtain
Thomas Lewis
Rhoda McCurtain
Emmaline Folsom
Nail Perry
Sukey Perry
Morris Nail
Widow James
John Page
McKee Folsom
Robert McCarty
Eliza & George McClain minor heirs
Sophia McClain
James McClain
Sophia Eubanks
Matthew Moncrief
It is clear that the two northernmost counties in the Choctaw Nation slavery was not as prevalent as it was in the southern parts of the nation, where slaveholders held dozens and in some cases hundreds of people in bondage. However, the nature of slavery should not be considered as "kinder, or gentler" institution, because "ownership" of another human being, is still a violation of the human spirit and there is no "better" or "nicer" way to live enslaved.
This is the first time that a general study of slavery in Skullyville has been undertaken. Hopefully more will someday be learned as stories are found, and told to preserve the history of this small corner of the Choctaw Nation, of Indian Territory and of Oklahoma's pre-statehood years, when slavery prevailed upon the land.
Sunday, February 3, 2019
The Skullyville Freedmen's Project (Continued)
Indian Territory Map 1894
Card No. Names on Card (Post Office)
731 Griffin Folsom and family (Brazil)
732 Julia Brown and son (Spiro)
733 Joseph Thompson, son and g-son (Oak Lodge)
734 Sylvester Freeman and children (Brazil)
735 Cora Lena Folsom and children (Braden)
736 Jordon Kingsbury -only name (Braden)
737 Lige Kingsbury --only name (Braden)
738 Edmund White and family (Brazil)
739 Cora Wilson and son (Brazil)
740 Silas Johnson -- only name (Braden)
742 Martha Henderson and children (Braden)
743 Ida Norman and children (Brazil)
744 Lizzie Anderson and children (Braden)
745 Thomas Colbert and family (Oak Lodge)
746 Robert Wright and family (Brazil)
747 Sarah James and family (Brazil)
748 Mose James -- only name (Spiro)
749 Clayton Piner and children (Oak Lodge)
750 Phoebe Brown and son (Walls)
751 Thaddeus Eubanks (Cavanaugh)
752 Ceasar Brown -- only name (Spiro)
753 Alexander Garrett --only name (Brazil)
754 Andrew Eubanks -- only name (Brazil)
755 York May and sons (Oak Lodge)
756 Peter McCarty -- only name (Oak Lodge)
759 Mary Brown and family (Brazil)
760 Louis McKinney and daughters (Brazil)
761 Ada Harris and children (Brazil)
762 Lucinda Johnson and children (Walls)
763 Andrew Pulcher and family (Walls)
764 Ned Pulcher and family (Walls)
766 Peter Cass, mother niece and nephews (Walls)
768 Solomon Campbell -- only name (Brazil)
774 Jack Le Flore -- only name (Oak Lodge)
777 Sam Walton and family (Oak Lodge)
SUGAR LOAF COUNTY
Card No Names on Card (Post Office)
670 Polly Ann Eliza Crow - only name (Heavener)
671 Davis Frazier -- only name (Houston)
672 Jeff Anderson -- only name (Wister)
673 Joe Perry -- only name (Wister)
Sugar Loaf is included with this project because of its proximity to Skullyville. Interestingly, only four cards actually came from the Sugar Loaf area, by the time of the Dawes Commission. Just as interesting was the fact that the cards reflected only isolated individuals. No families were reflected on any of the four cards. Each card simply held one name. Thirdly and possibly the most interesting fact was that Polly Ann Eliza Crow, Davis Frazier, and Joe Perry were related to each other. Those three individuals were all a part of my family and all were direct descendants of Kitty James Crow. Kitty and James, who were deceased by that time, and they the grandparents to Sallie Walton, my great grandmother.
The small presence of Freedmen in Sugar Loaf is interesting to note, and more study of the people enslaved in both communities will be conducted.
Saturday, February 2, 2019
The Skullyville Freedmen's Project
My Great grandparents, Sam and Sallie Walton lived in the Oak Lodge are in the Skullyville district of the Choctaw Nation. They were Choctaw Freedmen. Sallie was born in the Choctaw Nation, her father was Choctaw and her mother Amanda was a slave. Sallie's grandparents were Kitty and James Crow.
Skullyville was once known, before the Civil War, as Iskuli Town. Today it is an unincorporated community in Le Flore County Oklahoma, about one mile east of Spiro Oklahoma. In the 1860s there were 41 slave holders in Skullyville. And in nearby Sugar Loaf, there were 16 individuals who were slave holders in that area.
When Freedom came, many survived, and chose to work the land where they were born, lived, and toiled for decades. By the time of the Dawes Commission in the late 1890s, there were 77 households of Choctaw Freedmen living in Skullyville. Most appeared in front of the Dawes Commission around the same time.
For this first part of the Skullyville Freedmen's Project, the names of those who survived and remained in Skullyville are presented here in the order in which they appeared.
Card No. Names on Card (Post Office)
675 Albert Gary and family (Spiro)
678 Prince Pitchlynn and family (Oak Lodge)
679 Anna Craig and children (Oak Lodge)
680 Anna Dennis and children (Brazil)
682 Eddie Eubanks and children (Braden)
683 Joe Thompson and family (Oak Lodge)
684 Henry Eubanks -- only name on card (Brazil)
687 Milly Butler and daughters (Oak Lodge)
688 Martha Draper and son (Oak Lodge)
689 Jessie Byrd --only name on card (Oak Lodge)
690 Rachel Brown and sons and grandchildren (Oak Lodge)
691 Albert Fisher and family (Spiro)
693 Ben Thompson and family (Oak Lodge)
694 Elsie Jackson and children (Oak Lodge)
695 James N. Spring and family (Oak Lodge)
696 Ben Evans -- only name on card (Oak Lodge)
697 David McCurtain and children (Oak Lodge)
698 Edna Williams and son (Braden)
699 Rice Rogers only name on card (Braden)
702 Moses Eubanks and family (Oak Lodge)
703 Lilly Parker Burris and children (Oak Lodge)
704 Squire Hall and mother (Spiro)
705 Henry Choate -- only name on card (Brazil)
706 Maria Brown and son (Brazil)
707 Hense Windham and siblings, nephew and children (Oak Lodge)
708 Eliza Brown and children and grandchildren (Brazil)
709 Annie Blackwater and grandchildren (Brazil)
710 Rose Wilson -- only name on card (Brazil)
711 Malindy Brown and husband (Brazil)
712 Jensy Russell and children (Brazil)
713 Henry McCoy and children and grandchild (Brazil)
714 Willie Stewart--only name on card (Brazil)
715 Felix Triplett -- only name on card (Mountain)
716 Chester Brown and siblings (Brazil)
717 Mary Mabry and children and brother (Brazil)
718 William Stewart and daughter (Brazil)
720 Emma Neighbors and son (Brail)
721 James McGee -- only name on card (Oak Lodge)
723 Effie Washington and children (Oak Lodge)
724 Katie Bradley and daughters (Oak Lodge)
725 Aaron Mabry (residence confirmed on memorandum) (Oak Lodge)
728 Lidie Mabry (only name on card) (Brazil)
729 William Folsom and family (Oak Lodge)
Skullyville was once known, before the Civil War, as Iskuli Town. Today it is an unincorporated community in Le Flore County Oklahoma, about one mile east of Spiro Oklahoma. In the 1860s there were 41 slave holders in Skullyville. And in nearby Sugar Loaf, there were 16 individuals who were slave holders in that area.
When Freedom came, many survived, and chose to work the land where they were born, lived, and toiled for decades. By the time of the Dawes Commission in the late 1890s, there were 77 households of Choctaw Freedmen living in Skullyville. Most appeared in front of the Dawes Commission around the same time.
For this first part of the Skullyville Freedmen's Project, the names of those who survived and remained in Skullyville are presented here in the order in which they appeared.
Card No. Names on Card (Post Office)
675 Albert Gary and family (Spiro)
678 Prince Pitchlynn and family (Oak Lodge)
679 Anna Craig and children (Oak Lodge)
680 Anna Dennis and children (Brazil)
682 Eddie Eubanks and children (Braden)
683 Joe Thompson and family (Oak Lodge)
684 Henry Eubanks -- only name on card (Brazil)
687 Milly Butler and daughters (Oak Lodge)
688 Martha Draper and son (Oak Lodge)
689 Jessie Byrd --only name on card (Oak Lodge)
690 Rachel Brown and sons and grandchildren (Oak Lodge)
691 Albert Fisher and family (Spiro)
693 Ben Thompson and family (Oak Lodge)
694 Elsie Jackson and children (Oak Lodge)
695 James N. Spring and family (Oak Lodge)
696 Ben Evans -- only name on card (Oak Lodge)
697 David McCurtain and children (Oak Lodge)
698 Edna Williams and son (Braden)
699 Rice Rogers only name on card (Braden)
702 Moses Eubanks and family (Oak Lodge)
703 Lilly Parker Burris and children (Oak Lodge)
704 Squire Hall and mother (Spiro)
705 Henry Choate -- only name on card (Brazil)
706 Maria Brown and son (Brazil)
707 Hense Windham and siblings, nephew and children (Oak Lodge)
708 Eliza Brown and children and grandchildren (Brazil)
709 Annie Blackwater and grandchildren (Brazil)
710 Rose Wilson -- only name on card (Brazil)
711 Malindy Brown and husband (Brazil)
712 Jensy Russell and children (Brazil)
713 Henry McCoy and children and grandchild (Brazil)
714 Willie Stewart--only name on card (Brazil)
715 Felix Triplett -- only name on card (Mountain)
716 Chester Brown and siblings (Brazil)
717 Mary Mabry and children and brother (Brazil)
718 William Stewart and daughter (Brazil)
720 Emma Neighbors and son (Brail)
721 James McGee -- only name on card (Oak Lodge)
723 Effie Washington and children (Oak Lodge)
724 Katie Bradley and daughters (Oak Lodge)
725 Aaron Mabry (residence confirmed on memorandum) (Oak Lodge)
728 Lidie Mabry (only name on card) (Brazil)
729 William Folsom and family (Oak Lodge)
(End of Part 1)
Saturday, November 24, 2018
Paul Stephens - Choctaw Council 1905
Several years ago when traveling in Oklahoma with a colleague, we stopped at the Choctaw Heritage Museum in Tushka Homma, Oklahoma. While there, I was fascinated by an image of a large image from the 1905 Choctaw Council that was on the wall. Being one to study photos, immediately the face of one person caught my attention--that of Paul Stephens. He caught my attention because his face, to me suggested that he might have some African ancestry in addition to Choctaw ancestry.
Last Choctaw Council 1905. Paul Stephens is identified as No. 17 in this group photo
Recently, having come across the image again, I decided to look again into the history of Paul Stephens on the Dawes Records. I wanted to know more about the man himself. I found Paul Stephens card on Choctaw Roll card number 709. And he is listed as "full" blood. Of course one should be cautious not to judge individuals based on "looks" but it was still clear that Paul Stephens was not one who was without some African ancestry.
His father was said to be Lige Stephens and his mother was said to have been Illeana Stephens. Both were deceased by that time.
Since both parents were deceased there was no parental card to examine. However, there was a note that did catch my attention at the bottom of the card. Although Paul Stephens lived in Alikchi, I. T. in Nashoba County of the Choctaw Nation according to the card, an interesting note from the Sherriff of Skullyville appeared about Paul Stephens.
With this information, several questions came to mind:
Application Jacket of Paul Stephens
The act of erasing on paper the Africanness of Stephens is evident but it is something to be studied and analyzed. There was no need to deny who Stephens was, but yet it occurred. The interview that is now missing might have revealed more about his history and ancestry, but sadly will not be known but the need to hide his interview should not have occurred.
Unfortunately, the same anti-black sentiments prevails today while others with the same ancestry as Stephens are equally as Choctaw as he, and they are equally as Choctaw as are others who are enrolled today. The discomfort that people have towards persons of African Choctaw ancestry is an unfortunate symptom of a bias against a portion of Choctaw people who were innocent in their presence. And until recent years it was not a Choctaw practice to hurt the innocent.
However, until someone in the Choctaw Nation gains the courage to address these practices, they will continue to practice America's original sin and place it upon the Choctaw people. And sadly, the nation is not unlike the parties that brought about their removal from their beloved Nanih Waiya. And by embracing the biases of their oppressors towards a portion of their Choctaw community that never harmed the people nor the nation, they have as a nation today become oppressive.
The story of Paul Stephens is clearly one that deserves to be told. He stands clearly among his Choctaw brethren on the steps of the capitol. He, like all of the men standing on the steps were men of honor, and it is hoped that his story and the stories of other African Choctaw people will be told with dignity, with honor and without shame and within the historical context in which they lived.
Paul Stephens was Choctaw man who served his people no matter how briefly and we should say his name, embrace his history and commit to tell his story. History without the inclusion of all of the people becomes a diluted one, and a distorted one. The African Choctaws were there, and are equally as deserving of their stories to be told.
Paul Stephens, Choctaw Council, 1905
The image above is actually part of a larger image of the entire Choctaw Council of 1905. It is actually a photo from the Oklahoma Native American Photographs Collection of the Gilcrease Museum. On the image, the number 17 was written and the key at the bottom of the photo revealed his name. Upon returning, I decided to find his name on Dawes records, and I realized that he was identified as a Choctaw by Blood and not a Choctaw Freedman. It is not surprising that he could be a Choctaw by blood, as many persons are mixed blood Choctaws. However, it is no secret that mixed African Choctaws were rarely put on the rolls as Choctaws by blood. Yet, clearly Paul Stephens was identified as one who was considered Choctaw by blood.
Recently, having come across the image again, I decided to look again into the history of Paul Stephens on the Dawes Records. I wanted to know more about the man himself. I found Paul Stephens card on Choctaw Roll card number 709. And he is listed as "full" blood. Of course one should be cautious not to judge individuals based on "looks" but it was still clear that Paul Stephens was not one who was without some African ancestry.
His father was said to be Lige Stephens and his mother was said to have been Illeana Stephens. Both were deceased by that time.
Since both parents were deceased there was no parental card to examine. However, there was a note that did catch my attention at the bottom of the card. Although Paul Stephens lived in Alikchi, I. T. in Nashoba County of the Choctaw Nation according to the card, an interesting note from the Sherriff of Skullyville appeared about Paul Stephens.
The note read: "Sheriff of Skullyville Co. says that No. 1 has always been recognized as a Negro."
This note struck me as interesting not because of what it said. But the fact that clearly there was some question about the history of Paul Stephens and what his background may have been. He did not live in Skullyville at the time, yet the Sheriff of Skullyville expressed an opinion about Stephens. The fact that a law enforcement official from a community where the Dawes applicant did not reside was even consulted was unusual and was not a standard practice among others enrolling. In addition the fact that clearly there was some African ancestry possessed by Stephen, yet he was recorded as "full blood."
With this information, several questions came to mind:
- Stephen was a man who clearly had some African ancestry. Why was this denied when he appeared in front of the Dawes Commission?
- Was the presence of his African blood somehow perceived as "damaging" to the fact that this man was still a part of the Choctaw community? To have later been place on the tribal council he had to have clearly been perceived as Choctaw from the community that he represented and from culture, language and lifestyle.
- Was recording him as being "full blood" when we was clearly one of mixed ancestry, somehow done as an act to "elevate" his status?
- How and why was there a need to disguise or deny African blood?
Was this the same bias that was later shown when Freedman Henry Cutchlow was elected to the tribal council and was never allowed to take his seat? By making Paul Stephens "full blood" would he have then been eligible to serve on the council without the "stain" of having African blood?
I decided to look more closely to see if I could learn more about Paul Stephens the man and read his enrollment application interview. What a surprise to find a completely empty application jacket!
I decided to look more closely to see if I could learn more about Paul Stephens the man and read his enrollment application interview. What a surprise to find a completely empty application jacket!
Application Jacket of Paul Stephens
Clearly there was some discomfort with the African ancestry of Paul Stephens in the Choctaw community. And of course today descendants of African slaves held by Choctaws are not allowed as members of the nation although their ancestors toiled for decades, spoke the language abided by the same laws, ate the same food, and were officially adopted by the nation. But in 1979 when other former slaveholding tribes found it fashionable to exclude Africans from their midst and erase them from their history, Choctaw Nation of Oklahoma followed suit, and embraced the racial practice.
The act of erasing on paper the Africanness of Stephens is evident but it is something to be studied and analyzed. There was no need to deny who Stephens was, but yet it occurred. The interview that is now missing might have revealed more about his history and ancestry, but sadly will not be known but the need to hide his interview should not have occurred.
Unfortunately, the same anti-black sentiments prevails today while others with the same ancestry as Stephens are equally as Choctaw as he, and they are equally as Choctaw as are others who are enrolled today. The discomfort that people have towards persons of African Choctaw ancestry is an unfortunate symptom of a bias against a portion of Choctaw people who were innocent in their presence. And until recent years it was not a Choctaw practice to hurt the innocent.
However, until someone in the Choctaw Nation gains the courage to address these practices, they will continue to practice America's original sin and place it upon the Choctaw people. And sadly, the nation is not unlike the parties that brought about their removal from their beloved Nanih Waiya. And by embracing the biases of their oppressors towards a portion of their Choctaw community that never harmed the people nor the nation, they have as a nation today become oppressive.
The story of Paul Stephens is clearly one that deserves to be told. He stands clearly among his Choctaw brethren on the steps of the capitol. He, like all of the men standing on the steps were men of honor, and it is hoped that his story and the stories of other African Choctaw people will be told with dignity, with honor and without shame and within the historical context in which they lived.
Paul Stephens was Choctaw man who served his people no matter how briefly and we should say his name, embrace his history and commit to tell his story. History without the inclusion of all of the people becomes a diluted one, and a distorted one. The African Choctaws were there, and are equally as deserving of their stories to be told.
Monday, November 12, 2018
The Politics of Blood in Choctaw-Chickasaw Country
Usually when examining the records of Freedmen from Indian Territory, there was a policy during the years of the Dawes Commission, to enroll a person as a "Freedman" if the was once enslaved by a "blood" member of the tribe.
In some cases, the person was enslaved by someone who was white, but who had a spouse who was an Indian member of the tribe. In other words if a white man had an Indian wife, then the Freedman applicant was still eligible for enrollment, and later allotted land. And likewise if a white woman was married to an Indian man, still the person who was enslaved, was deemed eligible for enrollment. This was the policy, because the applicant who had once been enslaved, had proven a tie to the tribe by having been enslaved by an Indian.
,
Well, while examining a series of records for an upcoming Choctaw-Chickasaw Freedmen publication, I found an interesting document that proved to be somewhat different. In the case of Mary Helena Jones, on Chickasaw Freedman Card #1469, a note was made on her enrollment card that she was a descendant of "Gen. Cooper's slaves".
This referred to General Douglas H. Cooper. He was a white man who was a Confederate army general during the Civil War. He led the Indian confederate troops during the Civil War, specifically the Choctaw and Chickasaw Mounted Rifles. It is no surprise that he was a slave holder. In the enrollment case of Mary Helena Jones, however, the slave holder associated with the family, was white and well as his wife. Yet---because of his status as an Indian agent, and also as having been "adopted" by the two tribes--Choctaw and Chickasaw the Freedman applicants had proven a tie to an Indian slave holder.
There is no objection to Mary Helena Jones being enrolled in as a Chickasaw Freedman. She was born in, was enslaved in, and lived her entire life in Indian Territory. So there is no question with her status.
1) Did his being a man of prominence (former confederate general, Indian agent, and adopted white citizen) impact the status of the Coopers as members of the tribe?
2)Did any descendants of General Cooper become enrolled members of the tribe as citizens?
3)Are the descendants of General Cooper eligible for enrollment today?
An interesting document appeared among many of the papers for the Freedman applicant. One page found among her papers addressed the issue of who her slave holder was:
Clearly, the "politics of blood" continues today in many circles, and is often examined by descendants of Freedmen of Indian Territory.
Ironically, there are dozens of people who today have an Indian ancestor----but because their ancestors were still placed on the "Freedman" roll, they cannot become citizens today. At the same time, there were people admitted to the tribe at the same time who had less than 1/4 blood--yet today---with 1/500th degree of blood---they are admitted to the tribe today, simply because their ancestors were not placed on the "Freedman" roll, which forced former slaves to have to live under some kind of "stain" that their enslavement gave them.
Descendants of the five tribes are fully aware of the peculiar "politics of blood" as practiced by the Oklahoma-based tribes, and the policy continues to be supported by federal entities in addition to the federally supported tribes that prevail.
In some cases, the person was enslaved by someone who was white, but who had a spouse who was an Indian member of the tribe. In other words if a white man had an Indian wife, then the Freedman applicant was still eligible for enrollment, and later allotted land. And likewise if a white woman was married to an Indian man, still the person who was enslaved, was deemed eligible for enrollment. This was the policy, because the applicant who had once been enslaved, had proven a tie to the tribe by having been enslaved by an Indian.
,
Well, while examining a series of records for an upcoming Choctaw-Chickasaw Freedmen publication, I found an interesting document that proved to be somewhat different. In the case of Mary Helena Jones, on Chickasaw Freedman Card #1469, a note was made on her enrollment card that she was a descendant of "Gen. Cooper's slaves".
This referred to General Douglas H. Cooper. He was a white man who was a Confederate army general during the Civil War. He led the Indian confederate troops during the Civil War, specifically the Choctaw and Chickasaw Mounted Rifles. It is no surprise that he was a slave holder. In the enrollment case of Mary Helena Jones, however, the slave holder associated with the family, was white and well as his wife. Yet---because of his status as an Indian agent, and also as having been "adopted" by the two tribes--Choctaw and Chickasaw the Freedman applicants had proven a tie to an Indian slave holder.
There is no objection to Mary Helena Jones being enrolled in as a Chickasaw Freedman. She was born in, was enslaved in, and lived her entire life in Indian Territory. So there is no question with her status.
1) Did his being a man of prominence (former confederate general, Indian agent, and adopted white citizen) impact the status of the Coopers as members of the tribe?
2)Did any descendants of General Cooper become enrolled members of the tribe as citizens?
3)Are the descendants of General Cooper eligible for enrollment today?
An interesting document appeared among many of the papers for the Freedman applicant. One page found among her papers addressed the issue of who her slave holder was:
Clearly, the "politics of blood" continues today in many circles, and is often examined by descendants of Freedmen of Indian Territory.
Ironically, there are dozens of people who today have an Indian ancestor----but because their ancestors were still placed on the "Freedman" roll, they cannot become citizens today. At the same time, there were people admitted to the tribe at the same time who had less than 1/4 blood--yet today---with 1/500th degree of blood---they are admitted to the tribe today, simply because their ancestors were not placed on the "Freedman" roll, which forced former slaves to have to live under some kind of "stain" that their enslavement gave them.
Descendants of the five tribes are fully aware of the peculiar "politics of blood" as practiced by the Oklahoma-based tribes, and the policy continues to be supported by federal entities in addition to the federally supported tribes that prevail.
Saturday, August 4, 2018
Back to Basics: Categories of Choctaw Freedmen Enrollment
I realize after numerous online posts as well as email queries, that the basic records used to document the history of Choctaw Freedmen should be reviewed. Many find themselves looking at the records but are not quite sure of the real meaning of the cards and what the records reveal. As a result, a review of the basics is shared here.
Many times people will say that their family was "recognized" because they found an ancestor on the Dawes Rolls. However, upon closer examination one might find that the family 1) Never lived in Indian Territory, 2) Had no ties to the Choctaw Nation, 3) Applied and were Denied. 4) Applied as Mississippi Choctaws and were not accepted at all.
As a researcher, I have also found that many who are just beginning their genealogical journey often misread the records from Indian Territory that they have found. I have also seen cases where some have found a record among Mississippi Choctaws among the MCR files and believe that they have "proven" that their family was recognized as Choctaws, unaware that they are looking at rejected files. In other cases, there are cases where people from Georgia, Tennessee, the Carolinas, Alabama and other states will search the Dawes Roll, find a name that matches a name in their family and then proclaim that they have ties to the Choctaw Nation.
The genealogical research process for Choctaw Freedmen ancestry, is a complicated one, therefore in order to make the process easier for researchers, I am outlining some basics.
Purpose of the Dawes Records: The purpose was to determine eligibility for land allotments.
Eligibility as Choctaw Freedmen, meant that ones name would be placed on a roll of people who proved that they had ties to the nation for many decades. For Choctaw Freedmen, their enrollment depended upon the proof of having been, or a having a parent who had once been enslaved by a Choctaw Indian.
Were there Freedmen who were also part Choctaw? Yes there were Freedmen who also had Choctaw blood. Many did. But the policy enacted during the enrollment process was to make anyone who had a parent or grandparent who was enslaved, to be put on the Freedmen Roll. This policy was put in place even when an applicant had a Choctaw father. Was it fair? No. This was especially unfair, when if one's name was placed on the Freedmen roll, individuals received only 40 acres of land. If placed on the blood roll one receive 4 times the amount of land.
Nevertheless, in spite of the racially biased policy this practice has affected where the records are today and where they can be found among the many databases and collections.
Documents Among Dawes Records:
Standard records---reflecting the files of all who were admitted.
Doubtful Records---reflecting files of those for whom their application was doubted by officials
Rejected Records---reflecting the files of applicants whose cases were eventually denied.
Additional Categories:
Choctaw Freedmen Denied
Choctaw Freedmen Minor
Choctaw Freedman New Born
Choctaw Freedmen Rejected
Basic Standard Records
1) Enrollment Cards
2) Application Jackets
3) Land Allotment Records
4) Final Rolls
Additional Choctaw Freedmen Records:
1) Choctaw Freedmen 1896 Roll
2) Choctaw-Chickasaw Freedman Roll of 1885
3) 1867 Choctaw Census
Supplemental Resources
1) Civil War Pension Files - US Colored Troops
2) US Serial Set - Congressional Records
3) Univ. of Oklahoma - Indian Pioneer Papers
4) Choctaw Colored Neighborhood Schools
5) Private Boarding Schools (Oak Hill Academy, Tushka Lusa)
Advice for Choctaw Freedmen Research:
1) Separate Genealogy from Quest for Enrollment
Many begin researching ancestors believed to be Choctaw, with the intention of enrolling in the nation and nothing more. This is not a good idea for many reasons. First the Freedmen have a wonderfully rich history of resistance, and resilience, and their story is still untold. Secondly, until there is a change in policy--descendants of Freedmen are not admitted to the Choctaw Nation, therefore much energy and emotion will be spent on a process that will end in rejection. The policy is to only admit those whose names are found on the rolls "by blood". The question is asked, whether Freedmen have Choctaw blood. Yes, many Choctaw Freedmen descendants have an ancestor on the blood roll, but the policy of discrimination towards Freedmen when the mother was once enslaved, prevails, "marking" descendants of Freedmen with a policy of exclusion that remains to this day unchallenged.
However---that does not mean that it cannot be addressed. But rejection does not require one to toss the research aside to never revisit. It is imperative that researchers study the lives of the Freedmen who lived in the Choctaw community, spoke the language, practiced the customs, ate the same food as those in the nation where they were once enslaved. The stories of how they lived and survived are found especially in those supplemental resources mentioned above.
There is still need for the stories of those who remained. there is the need to speak, to tell their stories, and to share their history and culture with the world. The story of Choctaw Freedmen, is one of the more overlooked stories of adaptation of African people immersed into a Native American Nation, and who until Oklahoma statehood in 1907, were a unique people thriving on the western frontier. To neglect their stories is an act of rejection being hurled again at those once enslaved, who courageously forged a life and rich history for themselves.
Unfortunately, in many cases--rejection from enrollment often is so hurtful that many lose interest in their history and never study the records for the rich historical and genealogical data to be found. Tribal enrollment should not be the only reason to study the records of Choctaw Freedmen. Their history is extremely rich and one that has been sorely overlooked by many scholars.
2) Rely on standard genealogy methods in addition to Dawes Records
Although there was no Federal Census between 1866 (the year of the Treaty) and 1900, it is still important that individuals document the family in other critical records.
Census records, vital records (after statehood), land records, court records, military records are all records that will assist the researcher in framing the family narrative. They should not be overlooked.
3) Include Society and Institutional Records in the Research
Numerous benevolent societies and fraternal organizations prevailed in Indian Territory from the 1870s onward. A good number of Freedmen were active in these societies. The Free and Associated Masons are among the well known but research has also noted that groups such as The Mosaic Templars of America, Knights and Twelve Daughters of Tabor, and many others were active in Indian Territory. Proceedings from some of these annual meetings often reveal aspects of the social lives and activities. Some of the early 20th century newspapers also reflect these groups that formed in the new state of Oklahoma.
It is hoped that many will make a commitment to studying the history of Choctaw as well as Chickasaw Freedmen. The stories deserve to be told, and it is hoped that there will be a commitment to call the names of the Freedmen, and to put their names back on the historical landscape where they belong.
Many times people will say that their family was "recognized" because they found an ancestor on the Dawes Rolls. However, upon closer examination one might find that the family 1) Never lived in Indian Territory, 2) Had no ties to the Choctaw Nation, 3) Applied and were Denied. 4) Applied as Mississippi Choctaws and were not accepted at all.
As a researcher, I have also found that many who are just beginning their genealogical journey often misread the records from Indian Territory that they have found. I have also seen cases where some have found a record among Mississippi Choctaws among the MCR files and believe that they have "proven" that their family was recognized as Choctaws, unaware that they are looking at rejected files. In other cases, there are cases where people from Georgia, Tennessee, the Carolinas, Alabama and other states will search the Dawes Roll, find a name that matches a name in their family and then proclaim that they have ties to the Choctaw Nation.
The genealogical research process for Choctaw Freedmen ancestry, is a complicated one, therefore in order to make the process easier for researchers, I am outlining some basics.
Purpose of the Dawes Records: The purpose was to determine eligibility for land allotments.
Eligibility as Choctaw Freedmen, meant that ones name would be placed on a roll of people who proved that they had ties to the nation for many decades. For Choctaw Freedmen, their enrollment depended upon the proof of having been, or a having a parent who had once been enslaved by a Choctaw Indian.
Were there Freedmen who were also part Choctaw? Yes there were Freedmen who also had Choctaw blood. Many did. But the policy enacted during the enrollment process was to make anyone who had a parent or grandparent who was enslaved, to be put on the Freedmen Roll. This policy was put in place even when an applicant had a Choctaw father. Was it fair? No. This was especially unfair, when if one's name was placed on the Freedmen roll, individuals received only 40 acres of land. If placed on the blood roll one receive 4 times the amount of land.
Nevertheless, in spite of the racially biased policy this practice has affected where the records are today and where they can be found among the many databases and collections.
Documents Among Dawes Records:
Standard records---reflecting the files of all who were admitted.
Doubtful Records---reflecting files of those for whom their application was doubted by officials
Rejected Records---reflecting the files of applicants whose cases were eventually denied.
Additional Categories:
Choctaw Freedmen Denied
Choctaw Freedmen Minor
Choctaw Freedman New Born
Choctaw Freedmen Rejected
Enrollment Card of Sam & Sallie Walton, Choctaw Freedmen
NARA Pubication M1186 Choctaw Freedman Card #777
Basic Standard Records
1) Enrollment Cards
2) Application Jackets
3) Land Allotment Records
4) Final Rolls
Additional Choctaw Freedmen Records:
1) Choctaw Freedmen 1896 Roll
2) Choctaw-Chickasaw Freedman Roll of 1885
3) 1867 Choctaw Census
Supplemental Resources
1) Civil War Pension Files - US Colored Troops
2) US Serial Set - Congressional Records
3) Univ. of Oklahoma - Indian Pioneer Papers
4) Choctaw Colored Neighborhood Schools
5) Private Boarding Schools (Oak Hill Academy, Tushka Lusa)
Advice for Choctaw Freedmen Research:
1) Separate Genealogy from Quest for Enrollment
Many begin researching ancestors believed to be Choctaw, with the intention of enrolling in the nation and nothing more. This is not a good idea for many reasons. First the Freedmen have a wonderfully rich history of resistance, and resilience, and their story is still untold. Secondly, until there is a change in policy--descendants of Freedmen are not admitted to the Choctaw Nation, therefore much energy and emotion will be spent on a process that will end in rejection. The policy is to only admit those whose names are found on the rolls "by blood". The question is asked, whether Freedmen have Choctaw blood. Yes, many Choctaw Freedmen descendants have an ancestor on the blood roll, but the policy of discrimination towards Freedmen when the mother was once enslaved, prevails, "marking" descendants of Freedmen with a policy of exclusion that remains to this day unchallenged.
However---that does not mean that it cannot be addressed. But rejection does not require one to toss the research aside to never revisit. It is imperative that researchers study the lives of the Freedmen who lived in the Choctaw community, spoke the language, practiced the customs, ate the same food as those in the nation where they were once enslaved. The stories of how they lived and survived are found especially in those supplemental resources mentioned above.
There is still need for the stories of those who remained. there is the need to speak, to tell their stories, and to share their history and culture with the world. The story of Choctaw Freedmen, is one of the more overlooked stories of adaptation of African people immersed into a Native American Nation, and who until Oklahoma statehood in 1907, were a unique people thriving on the western frontier. To neglect their stories is an act of rejection being hurled again at those once enslaved, who courageously forged a life and rich history for themselves.
Unfortunately, in many cases--rejection from enrollment often is so hurtful that many lose interest in their history and never study the records for the rich historical and genealogical data to be found. Tribal enrollment should not be the only reason to study the records of Choctaw Freedmen. Their history is extremely rich and one that has been sorely overlooked by many scholars.
2) Rely on standard genealogy methods in addition to Dawes Records
Although there was no Federal Census between 1866 (the year of the Treaty) and 1900, it is still important that individuals document the family in other critical records.
Census records, vital records (after statehood), land records, court records, military records are all records that will assist the researcher in framing the family narrative. They should not be overlooked.
3) Include Society and Institutional Records in the Research
Numerous benevolent societies and fraternal organizations prevailed in Indian Territory from the 1870s onward. A good number of Freedmen were active in these societies. The Free and Associated Masons are among the well known but research has also noted that groups such as The Mosaic Templars of America, Knights and Twelve Daughters of Tabor, and many others were active in Indian Territory. Proceedings from some of these annual meetings often reveal aspects of the social lives and activities. Some of the early 20th century newspapers also reflect these groups that formed in the new state of Oklahoma.
It is hoped that many will make a commitment to studying the history of Choctaw as well as Chickasaw Freedmen. The stories deserve to be told, and it is hoped that there will be a commitment to call the names of the Freedmen, and to put their names back on the historical landscape where they belong.
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